Once upon a Westminster memory, a short note saying "I'm afraid there is no money" became a political meme and a policy slogan. That line helped justify a decade of austerity, left public services battered, and nudged a lot of voters toward the comforting simplicity of populist politics. The book under review here is an attempt by its author, who carried that note, to reckon with what followed.

Guilt, apology, or political therapy?

The book is brisk and punchy, the sort of thing you read on a train and then judge other passengers for finishing later than you did. Its author makes a clear bid to make amends. Some chapters land better than others. At times the book sounds like a centrist playbook you have read before: respect populist supporters, try to meet them halfway, and be polite about it. That approach may have charm, but it feels risky when a party promising simpler answers is surging in the polls and many populist voters view mainstream parties with distrust.

There is a hint of self-preservation, too. The author still sits in Parliament on a small majority and faces strong opposition on home turf. That may explain the insistence that most voters simply have a sixth sense about what the country needs. It is a comforting story, but it does not fully reckon with the power of myths among populist supporters. For example, many voters believe immigration is rising when it is not. Meeting those myths by nodding along instead of correcting them can look naive.

Where the book genuinely shines

When it is at its best, the book is clever and original. It lays out the contradictions of modern populism with clarity. Populists rail against elites while being bankrolled by wealthy backers. They talk about mass movements yet often win because many people stay home on election day. They sell freedom and then propose policies that are authoritarian. And their future-facing promises are soaked in nostalgia.

There is a sharp chapter on language. Ordinary politicians often serve up tangled, beige sentences that nobody remembers. Populists, by contrast, are clear, conversational, and use punchy verbs that make the world feel like a zero-sum contest. They sound like a mate while commanding like a general. That combination is politically potent and easy to underestimate.

The author also brings in unexpected influences from political theory and cultural criticism and shows an interest in sources beyond the usual Westminster comfort zone. That widening of the frame is welcome and rare in books from former ministers.

Important blind spots

The book treats populism mainly as a rightwing problem. Leftwing populism barely registers, even though it has produced successful local figures and energized movements in several places. The omission matters because it narrows the answers on offer. If you ignore the left, you are less likely to consider street-level organising, mass protests, and grassroots pressure as tools against authoritarian outfits on the right.

More worryingly, the account downplays the role of rising inequality. Centrists and many mainstream institutions are comfortable talking about culture and identity, but less eager to name economic pain as a root cause. Yet inequality and the steady erosion of public services helped create the audience for populism in the first place. You cannot explain the growth of this politics without naming who benefited from the last few decades of policy choices.

Practical prescriptions that might move the needle

The final chapters go into what a refreshed centre should do. These are the most immediately useful ideas:

  • Call out the hypocrisy. Expose how populist leaders and funders often mirror the oligarchic structures they claim to oppose.
  • Tighten party funding rules. Looser laws let evasive actors bankroll political outfits with little transparency.
  • Target the persuadable. Focus on the least dogmatic populist voters rather than shouting at the committed base.
  • Tax the wealthy more fairly. Use revenue to restore public services and show that tax policy matches public values.

Those moves are sensible. Will they be enough to "beat" populism outright? Probably not. The phenomenon is global and deeply rooted in many societies. But trimming a few points off populist support could prevent it from translating into governing power, and that would buy time for broader solutions.

Final thoughts

The book is a strange mix: contrition, centrist comfort, sharp cultural analysis, and blind spots that matter. Read it if you want clear writing about why populists speak so effectively and what rules need fixing. Read it with a grain of salt if you were expecting a full-throated challenge to the economic roots of the crisis. It is an honest attempt to offer a fix, even if the fix will probably need company.

Short, readable, sometimes clever and sometimes cautious. A useful contribution, even if it will not change the world on its own.